Co-option involves absorbing and repurposing dissent to align with state narratives, enhancing regime legitimacy, deterring opposition, and projecting strength during periods of political tension (Hellmeier & Weidmann, 2020). By co-opting critical voices, authoritarian regimes such as Kazakhstan seek to modernize their image and manage public sentiment under a facade of tolerance, allowing limited dissent within tightly controlled boundaries to neutralize threats.
Music exemplifies this contested space, where, as seen in Belarus and Russia, mechanisms of new censorship constrain protest through subtle, structural means rather than overt repression (Kryzhanouski, 2022). This phenomenon extends across the post-Soviet space, highlighting how artists must navigate state-imposed boundaries while expressing discontent. Simultaneously, regimes appropriate popular genres to portray themselves as progressive, creating a battle over cultural influence and public sentiment (Werner, 2024). As music becomes a critical tool of dissent, it is equally susceptible to appropriation by those in power, who use it to further their own agendas. This raises a pressing question: what happens when both citizens and the state seek to harness music as a vehicle for their competing messages at the same time?
In recent years, Kazakhstan’s music scene has undergone a unique transformation with the emergence of Qazaq-Pop (Q-Pop) and the growing popularity of R&B as prominent genres. Q-Pop, as the name suggests, draws inspiration from the global phenomenon of Korean-Pop (K-Pop) but adapts it to reflect Kazakh cultural elements, language, and identity. Examples of this include the use of the Kazakh language in songs and the incorporation of traditional Kazakh instruments or motifs alongside modern pop beats. This blend of global pop culture with national identity has given Q-Pop a distinct flavor, allowing it to resonate with younger Kazakhs while promoting a sense of cultural pride (Shayakhmetova, 2016). Similarly, the Kazakh R&B scene takes its cues from global R&B trends but incorporates local experiences and cultural elements to create a distinctly Kazakh genre (Doyle, 2018). In this way, both genres serve as prime examples of glocalization, where global influences meet local traditions to form unique cultural expressions.
Among the more intriguing aspects of Q-Pop and R&B in Kazakhstan is their complex relationship with the ruling elite. As these genres began to gain prominence in 2015, their reception was polarizing. The younger generation wholeheartedly embraced these fresh musical forms, while some segments of society, particularly older generations, viewed them with skepticism, perceiving the music as a challenge to traditional Kazakh culture (Otan, 2019). However, these genres occupy a unique position—both being utilized in some manner by the state, which recognizes their potential to shape public sentiment and reinforce state narratives and serving as a platform for expressing dissent and frustration (Kakim & Jowon, 2020).
Taking Q-Pop band Ninety One as an example, being among the pioneers and largest bands coming out of the Q-Pop genre and occupying their unique position of being co-opted by the state while also maintaining their own critical undertones. The band has become a valuable asset for Kazakhstan’s ruling elite, aligning with former President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s efforts to modernize the country’s international image and promote Kazakh nationalism domestically. Their widespread appeal among young people makes them effective cultural ambassadors, illustrating how modern Kazakh identity can harmoniously blend with global influences (Otan, 2020).
A notable instance of the government's embrace of Q-Pop was the appointment of Dulat Mukhametkali, a member of Ninety One, as a spokesperson for Jas-Otan, the youth wing of the ruling Nur-Otan party, in 2018 (Смайыл, 2018). This move illustrated how the state sought to co-opt the band’s popularity to engage an otherwise politically disengaged youth. Ninety-One’s participation in numerous Nur-Otan-sponsored concerts and events further suggests that the ruling party is eager to utilize the group’s influence to enhance its appeal among younger generations equally while acting as a tool of state mobilization.
However, Ninety One, as with the Q-Pop genre more broadly, does not entirely shy away from controversial issues. Their first single “Aiyptama” (Don’t blame me) featured the group in brightly colored outfits and makeup, which directly contrasts with Kazakhstan’s traditionally patriarchal attitudes and earned them criticism for portraying an ‘unmanly’ image (Tan, 2021). Further examples of their activist streak include their song “Bari Biled” (Everyone knows), which addresses environmental issues, and “Why'M,” which references freedom of expression albeit in subtle ways that avoid direct confrontation with the state.
Turning to the Kazakh R&B scene and its complex relationship with dissent and the regime, one of the most influential groups is the rap collective Irina Kairatovna. They have firmly established themselves as one of the country's leading acts within the genre, gaining significant prominence and a strong following. While they often infuse their work with humor, many of their tracks tackle serious societal issues (Zhanmukanova, 2021). For example, the title and music video for their song "5000," released during Kazakhstan's Covid-19 lockdown, references the minimum bribe amount in the country. While the lyrics may not overtly provoke, the accompanying video is rich in subtle symbolism, artistically portraying what can be interpreted as corrupt government practices and political persecution.
Their song "Kõk Tu" (Come On), released two months after the January 2022 protests that rocked the country, displays a similar level of subtle rebelliousness. The cover art features the burnt Almaty city hall, damaged during the protests, while the music video showcases traditional Kazakh practices alongside vibrant scenes of youth partying. Although the lyrics do not overtly provoke, they make references to freedom and the desire to run wild without constraint. Considering the context of the song's release, it is reasonable to interpret some level of dissent and discontent within the lyrics.
Unlike Ninety-One, the rap collective Irina Kairatovna has not been heavily co-opted or embraced by the state. Despite their rebellious streak, there are signs that Kazakhstan’s government, under Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, remains relatively tolerant of their music and performances. This was evident during a recent government-sponsored event where Tokayev hosted numerous Kazakh artists and musicians, including Irina Kairatovna, signaling a willingness to engage with—even if not fully endorse—their brand of socially conscious artistry.
While Irina Kairatovna’s music addresses important social issues more directly than Ninety-One’s, both groups contribute to promoting a sense of Kazakh identity in ways that resonate with the younger generation which in a sense, still aligns closely with state priorities in the promotion of a Kazakh nation. While this does not amount to a direct endorsement, standing alongside them at such events allows the government to project an image of openness and tolerance, suggesting that they 'stand by' diverse voices in Kazakh society. This strategic positioning can serve to bolster the regime's image as progressive or culturally attuned, even if only superficially. As to why Kazakhstan’s government has not fully co-opted Irina Kairatovna to the same extent as Ninety One, one could hypothesize that their more overt social critiques and rebellious tone present a greater risk for the regime to openly embrace, potentially undermining the state's carefully curated narrative of controlled modernity and progress. Alternatively, keeping a measured distance while permitting some level of artistic dissent could be a calculated move to give an appearance of tolerance without genuinely challenging state authority.
Ultimately however, Ninety One and Irina Kairatovna along with other Q-Pop and R&B groups serve the purposes of two sides of the political aisle. They can be seen as offering Kazakhstani citizens outlets to vent frustration and seek change without posing a direct threat to the regime. Alternatively, for the state, they provide a means to channel youthful energy and dissent into more controlled forms of expression, effectively defusing potential unrest. By engaging with popular culture and selectively tolerating or co-opting artists, the state can present itself as modern and inclusive, while maintaining a firm grip on the boundaries of acceptable dissent. This strategic co-option allows the government to claim a narrative of progressiveness and cultural vibrancy, even as it continues to exert control over public discourse.
Editor's note: this text written by a MAREEES student is published anonymously until June 2025 due to their travel safety precautions.