Cultural diversity in Finland
PAULIINA RAENTO AND KAI HUSSO
Raento, Pauliina & Kai Husso (2002). Cultural diversity
in Finland. Fennia 180: 1-2,
pp. 000-000. Helsinki. ISSN 0015-0010.
The image of Finland as a culturally and ethnically homogeneous
nation is erroneous. The country's 'old minorities' include
the Swedish-speakers, the indigenous Sami, and the Romani. Several
smaller ethno-cultural and religious groups have resided in
Finland since the nineteenth century. Increasing immigration
is now further diversifying Finland. Many of the old and new
minorities have clearly-defined regional hearths, as do many
distinctive segments of the majority culture. This article provides
an overview of Finland's three largest minorities, religions,
foodways, the new immigration, and the recent English-language
sources available on these topics. The discussion emphasizes
the new understanding of the country's ethno-cultural make-up
and political, legal, and social challenges that have followed
the recent change.
Pauliina Raento, Department of Geography,
P. O. Box 64, FIN-00014 University of Helsinki, Finland. E-mail:
pauliina.raento@helsinki.fi
Kai Husso, Academy of Finland, P. O. Box 99, FIN-00501 Helsinki,
Finland. E-mail: kai.husso@cec.eu.int
Introduction
The Finns have been taught to think of Finland as a culturally
homogeneous nation. There are, however, several ethnic and cultural
minorities within the boundaries of the Finnish state. These
groups consist of numerically fewer members than the majority
population, are not in a dominant position in society, have
distinctive linguistic, ethnic, or religious characteristics,
and wish to maintain this distinctiveness. Many of these groups
have clearly-defined regional hearths, as do several distinctive
forms of the majority culture.
The status of Finland's 'old minorities' has not been uniform.
The Swedish-speaking Finns are a 'strong minority' with a clearly-defined
institutional status and considerable weight in the economy,
politics, and culture. The Romani, the Sami, and other minority
populations have suffered from social, political, cultural,
and economic marginalization. Their linguistic and cultural
rights have been recognized only recently. New national policies
have also been created to address immigration that has grown
considerably since the 1990s (see Liebkind 1994, 2000; Korkiasaari
& Söderling 1998). The conventional understanding of
Finland's cultural make-up is thus changing rapidly. This article
outlines the newly-recognized, increasing diversity in Finnish
society and some related political, social, and economic challenges.
The visible change, the authorities' new responsibilities,
and the lively public debate have produced a growing body of
literature, especially since the 1990s. Several introductory
texts and essay collections of Finland's cultural landscape
or its constituents have been published recently. The living
conditions, identity, and traditions of particular minority
groups, experiences of newcomers, and the majority population's
attitudes have attracted particular attention (e.g., Westerholm
1993, 1996; Lounela 1994; Liebkind 1994, 2000; Pentikäinen
& Hiltunen 1995; Dahlgren 1996; Paulus 1996; Seppälä
1996; Jasinskaja-Lahti & Liebkind 1997; Raivo 1997; Matinheikki-Kokko
1997; Pitkänen & Jaakkola 1997; Seurujärvi-Kari
1997, 2000; Söderling 1997, 1998; Jaakkola 1999, 2000;
Löytönen & Kolbe 1999; Oinonen 1999; Virolainen
1999; Pirttilahti 2000). Regional cultural distinctiveness and
the transformation of the Finnish state in relation to cultural
minorities have also become popular topics for graduate theses
(in geography, e.g., Raivo 1996; Karppi 2000). Regional cuisine
and foodways, and the dialects of Finnish dominate the parallel
upsurge of popular writing on the majority culture's traditions
and folkways (e.g., Kettunen 1999; Languages… 2001; Raento
& Raento 2001). Much of this material is written in Finnish,
but the number of publications available in English is increasing.
The Swedish-speakers in Finland
Swedish has been spoken within the contemporary territory of
Finland at least since the thirteenth century, possibly even
earlier (see Languages… 2001). Finland formed a part of
the Swedish Empire until 1809, receiving considerable cultural,
political, and economic influence. The Swedish-speaking population
in Finland formed two separate groups: the urban upper classes
(administrators, bankers, and entrepreneurs) and the farmers,
fishermen, and seafarers of the southern and western coasts.
Their language was in a dominant position in Finnish society
until the end of the nineteenth century, when the importance
of Finnish began to increase. This was due to the decline of
Sweden's regional hegemony, the language's new official status
granted by the Russian authorities in 1863, and the subsequent
Finnish nationalist aspirations for independence. Many of the
movement's leaders were native Swedish-speakers, but a separate
Swedish-language national movement emerged to counter this development.
This united the minority society's two groups for the first
time.
Finland gained independence from Russia in 1917. Soon afterwards,
Finnish and Swedish earned constitutional equality as the country's
"national languages." The practical application was
the 1922 legislation on language and its amendments in 1935,
1962, and 1975. A broad reform of the legislation is currently
in process and scheduled to be implemented in 2004.
The law regards the Finns as "Finnish-speakers,"
"Swedish-speakers," and "speakers of other languages."
Municipalities can also be defined as bilingual. This is the
case when a minimum of eight percent of the residents, or 3,000
people, speak one of the two official languages. The status
can be revoked only if the proportion of the minority declines
below six percent.
21 of Finland's 452 municipalities are currently defined as
monolingually Swedish-speaking (STV 2000: 98). These include
the 16 municipalities of the autonomous Åland Islands
in the southwest (see Dressler et al. 1994). Here, Swedish is
the only official language, as defined in the 1921, 1951, and
1993 legislation regarding the status of the islands. The islands
form a demilitarized zone, and their 25,700 (1999) residents
have an autonomous provincial government. Its authority extends
to cultural and educational affairs, health care, law enforcement,
postal service, and economic development, under its own annual
budget. The legislation limits the rights of outsiders to own
property on the islands, thus guaranteeing the linguistic and
cultural integrity of the autonomous population.
On the mainland, 42 municipalities are regarded as bilingual.
Swedish is the majority language in 22 of these settlements.
Finnish dominates in all others (STV 2000: 98). Overall, the
300,000 Swedish-speaking Finns comprise 5.7 percent of the total
population of 5.17 million (in 1999) (STV 2000: 98). Their regional
distribution is strongly clustered in the coastal Ostrobothia
region to the west and in the southwestern and southern coastal
areas (CD-Fig. 1). Many of the Swedish-speakers in the rural
communities of the west are monolingual, whereas bilingualism
is typical of the southern coast. The capital city Helsinki-Helsingfors
is the largest concentration of this minority in the country,
with a Swedish-speaking population of 36,300 (6.6% of the city's
residents) (STV 2000: 60). Here, as elsewhere, the formal bilingualism
is visible in street and road signs and other official markers
that are bilingual in order of commonality (CD-Fig. 2). All
official matters are accessible in two languages, as is required
by law. In many areas, this has not been met in practice, however
(Westerholm 1993: 186-187, 1996: 125; Jansson 1994: 57).
CD-Fig. 1. The regional patterns of the
Finnish and Swedish language in Finland and the Sami Domicile
Area (Die Verteilung… 1960; Helin 1981: 25; Westerholm
1996: 189; STV 2000: 60-81; cf. Raento & Husso 1999: 185).
CD-Fig. 2. A street sign in the predominantly
Swedish-speaking municipality of Sibbo-Sipoo. (Photo John Westerholm,
07/99)
The linguistic boundary between Swedish and Finnish is not
as clear and definite as it appears in the statistics. Nor has
the legal status prevented the decline of the minority language
both absolutely and relatively (Fig. 1). Industrialization and
migration into urban centers after World War II brought an increasing
number of Finnish-speakers into predominantly Swedish-speaking
areas, upheaving their linguistic structure. The linguistic
boundary became particularly blurred in the urban Uusimaa-Nyland
region in the south, and the trend continues today (Aitamurto
2001). As a result, many Swedish-speaking Finns are fluently
bilingual and a growing number of native Swedish-speakers live
in a Finnish-speaking environment. Many residents of the rural
and monolingually Swedish-speaking coast have found their language
and traditional forms of livelihood threatened, and local conflicts
have emerged (Oksanen 2001). Particularly in the 1960s, some
opted for emigration to Sweden. Many of these emigrants were
young, which directed the age structure of the minority towards
older cohorts and lowered the birth rate (the latter trend has
since been reversed). Local differences in economic and linguistic
history thus led to territorially different strategies of accommodation
in the context of change and highlighted the minority's historic
division into two communities (Sandlund 1985; Westerholm 1993:
180-182, 1996: 122-124).
Fig. 1. Swedish-speakers in Finland and
in the capital city Helsinki-Helsingfors, 1900-1999 (STV 2000:
60; Helsinki tilastoina… 2000: 26).
The vitality and significance of Swedish in Finnish society
rests largely on the minority's own political and cultural activity
despite the legal support. Since 1907, through the time of general
suffrage in Finland, three quarters of the Swedish-speakers
have voted for the Swedish National Party (Svenska Folkpartiet
- Ruotsalainen Kansanpuolue), established in 1906. The language
of the political party unites the minority across ideological
boundaries, although working-class affiliations are more diverse
(Liebkind 1994: 76). Education is available in Swedish from
the kindergarten to the university, and the Lutheran National
Church and the Finnish military have special segments for the
minority. The Swedish-language media and numerous cultural organizations
further enhance the vitality of the language. Swedish continues
to be an important language in the economy.
Swedish is, nevertheless, clearly a minority language in today's
Finland. Bilingualism amongst the native Swedish-speakers is
increasing. Fewer and fewer Finnish-speakers can communicate
in Swedish, despite the requirement that the language be studied
for at least years in school. Exposure to Swedish in everyday
life is nonexistent in many parts of the country. An old image
of Swedish as a language of the elite also adds to the reluctance
of many native Finnish-speakers to learn and use it, leading
to demands for the elimination of the Swedish-language requirement
in schools. Doing so would certainly marginalize the language
in Finnish society (Westerholm 1993: 185-193).
Other minorities
Statistical comparisons of the indigenous Sami, the Romani,
and other 'old' minority populations in Finland are considerably
more difficult. Instead of legal and institutional arrangements,
their minority status and identity has been determined until
recently by individual feelings of belonging or descent. Furthermore,
the majority of these people are native Finnish-speakers or
they lack an unambiguous mother tongue. As the national record-keeping
is based on language, much of the available information is incomplete
or varies greatly. The following discussion focuses on the Sami
and the Romani, but similar issues apply to the other minorities
as well. These include the Russians, the Karelians, the Ingrians,
the Turko-Tatars, and the Jews, who have all resided in Finland
through the time of its independence (see Pentikäinen &
Hiltunen 1995).
The Sami
The number of Sami, the Nordic Countries' indigenous people,
is roughly 6,500 in Finland (The Sami in Finland 2000; cf. STV
2000: 96). The definition of a Sami is based on self-identification
and linguistic ancestry: a minimum of one parent or grandparent
who spoke Sami as the first language is required. The number
of Sami-speakers is considerably lower: less than one half of
the Finnish Sami speak one of the three Sami languages spoken
in Finland. This points to the long-lasting dominance of Finnish
among the Sami. Until recently, education in Sami was not available,
and entire generations learned to consider the language(s) inferior
to Finnish.
The Sami are divided into several linguistically, territorially,
and culturally distinctive groups. The Sami territory (Sápmi)
extends across the national boundaries of several countries,
from central Scandinavia to the Kola Peninsula. The total Sami
population is 60,000-100,000 (depending on definition), most
of whom live in Norway. The Finnish Sami are speakers of North
Sami (over 2,000 speakers), Inari Sami (350), and Skolt Sami
(400) (Languages… 2001). They have also been grouped geographically
and anthropologically into eastern and western Sami, and, according
to livehood, into farmers and foresters, and reindeer herders
(see Yli-Kuha 1998; Seurujärvi-Kari 1997, 2000; Tanner
2000; Susiluoto 2000; cf. The Sami homeland 1998).
The current Sami territory in Finland covers only a fraction
of the historical Sami hunting and settlement areas that extended
to the southern parts of the country in the medieval period.
A territory defined as the Sami Domicile Area consists of Finland's
three northernmost municipalities (Inari, Enontekiö, and
Utsjoki) and the Lappi reindeer herding district of Sodankylä
municipality, covering 35,000 square kilometers (CD-Fig. 1).
Roughly 4,000 Sami live within this area. They form the majority
in Utsjoki, but are in minority elsewhere. An estimated 40 percent
of the Sami within the Domicile Area get their income from traditional
livelihoods that include reindeer herding, fishing, hunting,
gathering, and traditional craftwork. Tourism and other services
employ most of the rest. An estimated 100,000 reindeer, or about
one half of the entire stock in Finland, live within the Domicile
Area. 85 percent of these are under Sami ownership (STV 2000:
147; The Sami in Finland 2000).
The status and rights of the Sami in Finnish society improved
considerably in the 1990s. The Sami language awaited official
recognition until 1991. Recognition improved its status in education
(see Languages… 2001). Sami cultural autonomy went into
effect in the Domicile Area in the mid-1990s as an outcome of
constitutional reforms that guaranteed the minorities' rights
"to maintain and develop their own language and culture"
(§14.3, cit. Virolainen 1999: 11; see Karppi 2000). Official
announcements, administrative documents, and street and road
signs are bilingual in Finnish and Sami within the Domicile
Area, where Sami also serves as a conference language and in
religious ceremonies. The ongoing reform of the 1991 legislation
regarding language is expected to make Finnish and the three
Sami languages equal within the Sami Domicile Area. The implementation
of the new law is scheduled for 2004 (HS 2001c).
The Sami have elected their own parliament at four-year intervals
since 1973. Since 1991, the Sami representatives have been heard
in the Finnish parliament over matters that concern them directly.
The Sami parliament's visibility and influence have increased.
International links of cooperation of the Finnish Sami include
the Sami Council of the indigenous people in Sweden, Norway,
Russia, and Finland; the World Council of Indigenous Peoples
(WCIP); the Nordic Council; the Barents Euro-Arctic Region;
and the United Nations Human Rights Committee (The Sami in Finland
2000). The latest addition to Nordic cooperation in Sami matters
is the joining of Finland's national broadcasting company Yleisradio
to the Nordic network of Sami-language television news (Pohjanpalo
2002).
Despite the diversification of channels for cultural expression,
education, and international cooperation, the de
facto rights and equality of the Sami remain to be fulfilled
(Land rights 1997; Forrest 1997; Karppi 2000). The Sami languages
are still far from being equal with Finnish and Swedish. Instruction
given in Sami has increased five-fold since the 1970s, and classes
are available throughout the Domicile Area and in Helsinki.
The Universities of Helsinki and Oulu and the University of
Lapland in Rovaniemi offer classes as well. The number of pupils
who receive their basic education in Sami has yet to exceed
600, however (The Sami in Finland 2000). Despite the new opportunities,
it is still impossible to receive full education in Sami, and
instruction suffers from a constant lack of qualified teachers
and teaching material (see Land rights… 1997).
Disagreements over land ownership between the Sami and the
central government have created conflicts, especially since
the 1960s, and remain unresolved (Harju 2001; Tahkolahti 2001).
The Sami claim that they have historic rights to land, water,
and traditional livelihoods that the state's legal system does
not recognize - at the core of the conflict is a disagreement
over the definition of territoriality and ownership (Forrest
1997; Karppi 2000). Currently, 90 percent of the lands within
the Sami Domicile Area are defined as "public" and
only one tenth is privately owned. The situation allows free
economic competition and imposes certain restrictions without
granting any special rights to the Sami within their territory,
unlike in Sweden and Norway where only the Sami are allowed
to herd reindeer. Also contested is the central government's
right to the natural resources within the Sami territory. Particularly,
mining and logging have led to conflict and Sami complaints
to the UN Human Rights Committee, which has taken the minority's
side. Currently, then, "the rights of the Sami as an indigenous
people are not fully realized in conformity with international
human rights agreements" (The Sami in Finland 2000).
The Romani
Most of the estimated 10,000 Romani in Finland live in Southern
Finland (CD-Fig. 3). Many of them migrated to urban centers
in the 1960s, when their traditional sources of income were
becoming obsolete in the structural transition of the Finnish
countryside. During the past couple of decades, the Romani population
in Helsinki and its immediate vicinity has increased significantly
so that roughly one-fifth of the entire Romani population now
lives in the capital city. Another 3,000 Finnish-speaking Romani
live in Sweden (Grönfors 1981, 1995; Välimäki
1995; Paulus 1996; Finland's Romani… 2000; cf. Karjalainen
1981: 25).
CD-Fig. 3. The Romani in Finland, in 1995
(Välimäki 1995; Paulus 1996; Raento & Husso 1999:
187; cf. Helin 1981: 25).
The Romani have been at the bottom of the social pecking order
of Finnish society since their arrival in the country in the
sixteenth century. The Finnish nation-building aspirations of
the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries deepened the minority's
centuries-long marginalization. The first governmental attempt
to address the poverty and social ill-being of this group was
the Advisory Board on Gipsy Affairs in 1956 under the Ministry
of Social Affairs and Health. Its impact was limited or even
negative, as it saw "the problem children of Finnish society"
(Waris 1952: 24, cit. Virolainen 1999: 7) as a burden and their
problems as self-induced. The 1960s brought new publicity and
representative organizations to the Romani in the context of
international social and political awareness and the emerging
welfare state in Finland. New concerns regarding equality and
social justice informed the 1968 reorganization of the notorious
board, now called The Advisory Board on Romani Affairs in Finland
(Finland's Romani… 2000). The new climate was reflected
in the 1970s' legislation that included a ban on discrimination
(1970) and improvements of the living conditions of the minority
(1975). These measures were passive in nature, however, and
opened no channels to increase Romani participation in matters
that concerned them directly. The large structural problems
thus remained intact (Paulus 1996; Virolainen 1999: 7-10).
Only in the 1990s did the Romani voice begin to be heard in
decision-making, emphasizing the focus on education, employment,
cultural awareness, and tolerance in the context of legal progress.
An Education Unit for the Romani People was established under
the National Board of Education in 1994 (Languages… 2001).
The most important legislative reform was the 1995 constitutional
amendment that also gave the Romani "the right to maintain
and develop their own language and culture" (§14.3,
cit. Virolainen 1999: 11; see Finland's Romani… 2000).
Among the first steps of implementation was the creation of
four regional Romani councils to promote regional and local
cooperation between the population groups (CD-Fig. 3). Other
significant legal arrangements included the decision to work
towards tolerance and prevention of racism (1997) and the 1998
implementation of the European resolution regarding the protection
of national minorities. The Romani language was included in
the responsibilities of the Research Institute for the Languages
of Finland regarding linguistic research, maintenance, and development,
in 1997 (Virolainen 1999: 11; Finland's Romani… 2000; Languages…
2001).
These measures have not had an equal impact across the Romani
population. The initial results vary from one region to another,
reflecting local conditions and characteristics of the minority's
sub-segments. Marginalization has even accelerated outside the
southern urban areas. Increasing competition in the housing
markets in the city of Oulu, for example, has left entire Romani
families homeless. This has contributed to the circle of marginalization
by complicating the schooling of children. Overall, school attendance
of Romani children has not improved as expected (see Pihlaja
2001). Gaps in education narrow these children's future employment
opportunities, already limited by the difficult context of prejudice
and discrimination. Criminal activity by some members of the
minority has further enhanced stereotypes and prejudices, often
labeling the entire group (Virolainen 1999: 5; Pirttilahti 2000).
In fact, the status of the Romani as the "most hated"
population group in Finland was replaced only recently - by
the Somalis (Lanas Cavada 1998: 13). In absolute terms, the
Romani remain among the groups looked upon most negatively in
Finnish society. Discrimination still forms a part of the Romani
everyday in Finland, and support from Finnish law enforcement
has often not been forthcoming (Grönfors 1979; Finland's
Romani… 2000).
Another challenge regarding schooling is the role of the Romani
language in education. The language was a central element of
cohesion among the minority community in the nineteenth century
(Grönfors 1981). Without recognition and due to the Romani
marginalization in Finnish society, the language's vitality
declined rapidly in the context of Finnish nation-building.
It became impoverished, as it was not learned as the first language.
In the end of the 1980s, the increased concern regarding the
future of the language brought Romani to elementary schools
in Helsinki and Kuopio. The pupils numbered roughly 250 in 1995.
Instruction is now available in Romani, but it suffers from
a chronic lack of textbooks and other material. An estimated
one third of the adult Romani knows the language. The improved
legal status of the language has enhanced Romani identity. A
further emphasis on the welfare of the language in education
is seen as a way to improve the relationship between the minority
and the majority-dominated educational institutions (Suonoja
& Lindberg 1999; Finland's Romani… 2000; Languages…
2001). The legacy of long-term structural violence is difficult
to overcome, however.
Regional and religious variety
The Finnish majority culture contains several regionally distinctive
patterns, the most notable of which are the contrasts between
the east and the west and the urban and rural areas (Vuorela
1976; Talve 1990: 395-412; Virtanen 1991: 61-65). Much of this
variation owes to different local conditions and to external
influences and contacts. The Finnish language is divided between
dialectic hearths, each of which is easily recognizable in everyday
speech (CD-Fig. 1) (see Kettunen 1999). In fact, the Finnish
language was not normalized and unified into a standard literary
language until the 1950s. Recently, regional differences of
the vernacular Finnish, together with foodways, have been highlighted
in the (re)construction of provincial identities and traditions.
Dozens of cookbooks and 'translations' of popular comic books
into regional dialects illustrate this revival (Languages…
2001; Raento & Raento 2001).
Religion
Christian influence first arrived in Finland roughly one thousand
years ago through the commercial route between Novgorod in the
east and Sweden in the west. The Lutheran reformation in the
Swedish Empire brought the state into union with the church.
During Russian rule, the Lutheran Church maintained its status
in Finland despite the Orthodox Czar. The Orthodox Church was
the only other congregation in the country at that time. Protestant
minorities (Baptists, Methodists, and Adventists, among others)
were allowed to organize in 1889. Since then, Finland's religious
landscape has continued to diversify. The first Jewish and Islamic
congregations were formed in the late nineteenth century, and
Pentecostals, Jehova's Witnesses, and Mormons followed in the
early twentieth century. Liberty of faith in independent Finland
was guaranteed by law in 1923. The state became non-affiliated,
but the Lutheran and the Orthodox Churches maintained their
special status within the state and their right to taxation.
The number of congregations has increased rapidly since the
1960s, particularly among urban populations and the youth (Heino
1991: 17-19).
Today's Finland is a secular country. Religion is usually considered
a private matter and confined to the ceremonies of the life
course, but its institutional role is maintained in the military
and schools. In schools, Christianity forms a part of the curriculum
of those children who are members of the Lutheran National Church.
85 percent of the population belongs to this church, but secularization
is on the rise: the National Church membership has declined
from 90 percent in 1980. The population not registered in any
religious community increased from 8 percent in 1980 to almost
13 percent in 1999 (STV 2000: 93).
The religious landscape varies regionally. The historic core
area of Finland's largest religious minority, the 55,300 Greek
Orthodox (1999), is in eastern Finland, particularly Karelia
(Fig. 2) (Raivo 1996, 1997; STV 2000: 93). This population has
become increasingly urban, however, and one third of the entire
congregation now lives in the Helsinki parish (Suomen ortodoksinen…
2000; cf. Helsingin väestö… 2000: 20). The largest
Protestant minority in the country is the Free Church in Finland,
with 13,400 members in 1999 (STV 2000: 93). The most extreme
example of regional concentration is Supplicationism in a small
area on the west coast (CD-Fig. 4).
Fig. 2. The Orthodox Church in Finland (Ortodoksisiin…
1999; Suomen ortodoksinen… 2000; Väestönmuutostietoja…
2000).
CD-Fig. 4. Regional patterns of selected
religious groups in Finland (Modified from Sairinen 1991: 23)
The urban centers in the south represent the most diverse religious
landscape, although religion's visibility in daily landscapes
remains low here as well. The Roman Catholic (7,000), Jewish
(1,200), and Islamic (1,100) parishes are located in Helsinki,
Turku, and Tampere (STV 2000: 93). The practitioners of Eastern
and 'new' religions are notably urban as well. The growing number
of foreign citizens adds to the heterogeneity. Particularly
the number of Muslims has grown considerably in recent years.
The southern urban centers are also more secular than the rest
of the country. Secularization and privatization of religion
are particularly notable in Helsinki. One-fourth of the capital
city's population is not affiliated with any religious community
(Helsingin väestö… 2000: 20).
Food and foodways
Regional differences of food and foodways are notable on the
map of Finnish culture (CD-Fig. 5). The climatic and topographic
conditions between different parts of the country and historical
external influences have given several regions a distinct cuisine
that employs different ingredients and cooking methods. Physical
geography has contributed to a north-south division of cuisine
by determining what can be cultivated. On the coast and in the
lake region, fish has been a particularly prominent ingredient
of meals. In the climatically harsh north, reindeer meat has
accompanied fish in the diet, whereas many still consider reindeer
a specialty elsewhere in the country. Cultural influences from
Russia and Sweden dominate the differences between the east
and the west. Development of distinct oven types, for example,
encouraged a diverse baking culture in the east, whereas the
westerners favored grilling over open fire. The eastern and
the western tastes also stand apart: the former is considerably
more sour than the sweeter west. The texture and flavor of rye
bread and buttermilk exemplify the differences (Uusivirta 1998:
6-16). Recently, food and foodways have gained considerable
prominence in regional and local identity construction and maintenance
across the country.
CD-Fig. 5. Regional patterns of food and
foodways in Finland (Modified from Raento & Raento 2001:
25-26).
The culinary landscape of Helsinki and other urban centers
is changing rapidly due to immigration and the increasingly
frequent world travel of the Finns. The growing number of 'ethnic'
food markets and the broadening selection of fruit and other
ingredients in the supermarkets reflect the increasing diversity
(CD-Fig. 6A & 6B). Most of Helsinki's 'ethnic' restaurants
are located in the downtown area and along the main arteries
in its vicinity. The most popular are Chinese restaurants and
diverse lunch establishments that serve pizza, kebab, and salads
(CD-Fig. 7A & 7B). The definition and content of ethnicity
remains complicated, as menus have been modified strongly to
meet the Finnish mainstream taste, and as some establishments
are merely themed along ethno-regional lines. Whereas many 'Mexican'
restaurants serve globally acknowledged, simplistic Mexican-style
fast food, some of Helsinki's Russian restaurants, for example,
approach their selection more 'seriously'. When compared to
the size of each cultural group, the Somali and Vietnamese kitchens
are underrepresented. 'Ethnic' restaurants are also notably
absent from those eastern suburbs where foreign nationals represent
the highest proportion of the residents. The patterns suggest
that whereas the urban natives are gradually expanding their
culinary experiences, many immigrants regard the home as the
primary space of identity maintenance (Raento & Raento 2001:
26-29).
CD-Fig. 6. Two examples of ethno-regional
restaurants in the Töölö neighborhood in Helsinki:
(A) A Chinese diner; (B) An upscale Russian restaurant. (Photos
courtesy of Tuuli Raento, 02/01)
CD-Fig. 7. The Afro-Asian Maharaja in the
Hakaniemi neighborhood (A) and Thai Market in Kamppi (B) represent
the new ethnic food markets in downtown Helsinki. (Photos courtesy
of Tuuli Raento, 02/01)
Immigration
Finland remained relatively isolated from international immigration
until recently (Korkiasaari & Söderling 1998: 14).
The reasons included the country's geographical location and
its non-colonialist history. Its labor pool was relatively self-sufficient
due to the settlement of over half a million people from the
territories ceded over to the Soviet Union after World War II.
Finland's cautious relationship with this powerful neighbor
shaped the country's immigration and refugee policies during
the post-war decades. The approach was passive and ad hoc in
nature and seen as strictly a national matter, which kept the
issue outside of the otherwise intimate sphere of Nordic cooperation
(Salmio 2000: 43-46). The number of foreign citizens in Finland
remained low until the 1990s and the country lacked clearly
defined immigration and refugee policies.
The number of foreigners in Finland began to grow towards the
end of the 1980s (Fig. 3). The figures that had remained around
10,000 since the 1950s had risen to over 20,000 by 1989 (SVT
1996: 7, 34). The growth accelerated significantly in the early
1990s, when Finland began to adopt more receptive and coherent
policies. Behind this change were the considerable changes in
international political and economic environment: the collapse
of the Soviet Union, Finland's membership in the European Union
(1995), and accelerated migration and communication worldwide
had a marked impact at the national level. In the end of 1999,
the 87,700 foreign citizens in Finland comprised 1.7 percent
of the total population (STV 2000: 86). The foreign nationals
were centered in the southern parts of the country, urban centers,
and border regions (CD-Fig. 8). 16,400 individuals had immigrated
to the country as refugees (STV 1999: 88, 130). By the end of
2000, the total number of foreigners had reached 91,000 (1.8%)
and the number of refugees had risen to 18,500 (Valtavaara 2001).
Despite the notable growth in the Finnish context, these figures
remain among the lowest in the European Union.
Fig. 3. Foreigners in Finland, 1976-2000
(STV 1999: 88, 2000: 86; Valtavaara 2001).
CD-Fig. 8. The regional distribution of
foreigners in Finland, in 1999. (A) Finland's regions represented
as proportionate of their population (% of Finland's total population);
(B) A region's foreign population as a proportion of the total
foreign population in Finland; (C) The relative hearths of the
four largest foreign groups in Finland. Two-time over-representation
means that the region has twice as high a proportion of this
group than the region's share of the entire country's foreign
population would suggest. Despite the relative over-representation,
the absolute numbers of foreign nationals in many areas is very
small and their share of the region's total population minuscule.
In many cases, most of a region's foreigners live in the principal
urban center (STV 2000: 86-87; cf. Raento & Husso 1999:
189).
Most of the foreign nationals in Finland originate from Europe
(67%) (1999). 18 percent are from Asia and 9 percent from Africa.
The 32,200 citizens of the former Soviet Republics form the
largest single group. Almost 60 percent of them are from Russia
and one-third from Estonia. Other significant groups include
the Swedes (7,800), the Somalis (4,400), the Germans, and the
British (both at 2,200). Refugees from former Yugoslavia number
3,400 (STV 2000: 86). The most common foreign languages spoken
in Finland are Russian (25,700 native speakers), Estonian (10,000),
English (6,800), Somali (6,300), and Arabic (4,600) (STV 2000:
94). In the case of some groups, a comparison of the citizenship
statistics with those of native language portrays a more comprehensive
image of each community. This is clearly the case of the Somalis.
Another illustrative example is the Vietnamese, the first of
whom arrived in Finland as refugees in 1979. In the end of 1999,
there were roughly 1,800 citizens of Vietnam in Finland, but
almost 3,500 Vietnamese-speakers (STV 2000: 86, 94). This shows
that many foreign-born individuals have obtained a Finnish passport
(Fig. 4). It suggests also that language is a key element in
the maintenance of a sense of community and distinct identity
in Finnish society (Oinonen 1999). That the number of Finnish
citizens who have been born abroad has risen from less than
40,000 in 1980 to over 131,000 in 1999 reflects both the increasing
immigration and the increased mobility of the Finns born in
Finland (STV 2000: 90; cf. SVT 1996).
Fig. 4. New Finnish citizens, 1965-1999
(STV 1999: 127, 2000: 131).
Diversifying Helsinki
Helsinki is the most diverse city in Finland linguistically,
culturally, and ethnically. In the late nineteenth century,
15 percent of the city's residents had been born abroad, but
their proportion had declined to 2 percent by the 1960s and
did not exceed this figure until the 1990s. In 1900, the largest
group of foreign citizens in Helsinki was the Russians (75%
of all foreigners), many of whom were soldiers or merchants.
Sixty years later, the Swedes had become the largest single
group (30% in 1960 and 15% in 1985) (Helsinki tilastoina… 2000:
26-28).
Today's Helsinki is the capital city of all the discussed immigrant
groups in absolute numbers. The new diversity owes to both international
and domestic migration. The number of foreign citizens had risen
to roughly 5,600 by 1990 (1.2% of the city's population), compared
to 3,500 (0.7%) ten years earlier. By 2000, this number had
increased to almost 26,000, or 4.7 percent of the city's population.
These people carried 144 different passports (Helsingin väestö…
2000).
Roughly one half of the foreigners who reside in Helsinki are
Eastern European or former Soviet nationals. Westerners comprise
one-fifth of the population. The rest are primarily from Africa
and Asia. The largest single groups are Russians (4,600 in the
beginning of 2000), Estonians (4,000), Somalis (2,100), Swedes
(1,100), and U. S. Americans (800). In addition, there are roughly
10,000 foreign-born Finnish citizens in Helsinki. The most frequently
spoken foreign languages are Russian, Estonian, Somali, English,
and Arabic (Helsingin väestö… 2000: 114, 117-119,
129) (CD-Fig. 9). The largest concentration of both foreign
nationals and speakers of foreign languages is in the eastern
neighborhoods of Helsinki (Fig. 5).
CD-Fig. 9. The speakers of the five most
common foreign languages, Finnish and Swedish, in Helsinki by
age, in 2000 (Helsingin väestö… 2000: 129).
Fig. 5. Finnish-speakers, Swedish-speakers,
and speakers of other languages in Helsinki, in 1999 (Helsinki
alueittain 2000; cf. Raento & Husso 1999: 188).
Some demographic characteristics of the immigrant population
in Helsinki stand in sharp contrast to the Finnish- and Swedish-speakers,
reflecting similar trends nationwide. The gender division is
relatively even in each of the three groups (CD-Fig. 10). Overall,
women dominate slightly. A comparison of the immigrants by continent
reveals a slight dominance of men among Africans (58%) and North
Americans (62%). Extending the examination to the national level
shows notable contrasts between the groups. Whereas women dominate
among the Estonians and the Russians (58%), they are clearly
underrepresented among the European Union nationals, of whom
only one third is female. Explanations of the differences may
include differences in motives for migration, cultural backgrounds,
and employment patterns in Finnish society.
CD-Fig. 10. Helsinki residents by age, sex,
and language, in 2000 (Helsingin väestö… 2000:
16).
The immigrant population is considerably younger than the rest
of Helsinki residents (CD-Fig. 9 & 10). This reflects immigrant
history, cultural and religious values, and available employment
opportunities - especially given that many recent immigrants
from the Western countries have come to Finland to work. The
immigrants differ notably from the Swedish-speakers, of whom
over 18 percent have reached their sixty-fifth birthday. At
the other extreme are the Somalis, among whom this age cohort
represents less than one percent of the population (CD-Fig.
9). Almost one half of the Somali population is 15 years of
age or younger, whereas this age group represents less than
15 percent of the Swedish-speakers in Helsinki (Helsingin väestö…
2000: 129).
These differences of age and gender can also be interpreted
as indicators of success or hardship in the light of employment
statistics (CD-Fig. 11). The unemployment rate of the foreign
nationals in Finland decreased throughout the 1990s, being over
one half in 1994 and one-third in 2001. There were considerable
differences between population groups. Whereas unemployment
among the Western Europeans and the North Americans is below
10 percent and thus close to the national average, the rate
still reaches 60 percent among the Iraqi, the Irani, the Somalis,
and the Vietnamese (Nieminen 1999: 17; STV 1999: 59; Valtavaara
2001; Tervola 2001). Behind these differences are differences
in education and linguistic skills, both related to the type
of employment (in high-tech companies command of English may
be enough) and the attitudes and linguistic skills of the majority
society. Employment opportunities are more abundant in the Helsinki
area, but the same trends apply in the capital as elsewhere.
The differences suggest that a dual labor market is emerging
among Finland's immigrant population. At one end are the highly
educated Westerners that are often invited to join the Finnish
work force because of their special skills. At the other end,
there is a growing group of people with limited educational
background, linguistic skills, and work experience who have
emigrated from Eastern Europe or the Third World, often as refugees
(Jaakkola 2000). Because many of these people are young - either
at school or in the prime working age - the difficulty of integration
is underscored further.
CD-Fig. 11. Unemployment among foreign nationals
in Finland, by citizenship, in 1994-2000 (Statistics Finland
& Ministry of Labor, cit. Valtavaara 2001).
Conclusion
The cultural geography of Finland is being reshuffled. The
increasing cultural and demographic exchange and internationalization
in the 1990s have led to recognition of Finland's cultural heterogeneity.
A new sensitivity and new policy measures, aimed at accommodating
an increasingly heterogeneous population and at taking into
account considerable differences among the groups, have emerged.
There has been a notable upsurge of new policies towards both
the old and the new minorities at the national, regional, and
local levels. Particular foci have been the cultural and linguistic
rights of the neglected 'old' minority groups, immigration and
refugee policy, and housing, education, employment, and cultural
accommodation that apply to all minorities in Finland. Simultaneously,
there has been a revived interest in the majority culture's
folk traditions.
For centuries, the country has been more heterogeneous than
the Finnish nation-builders have admitted, but the old, state-promoted
perception of homogeneity and subsequent attitudes are difficult
to overcome. Recognition and respect of cultural difference
and international exchange continue to be a novelty for much
of the Finnish-speaking, Lutheran, and White majority population.
Whereas the majority culture's regional differences are approached
as colorful and harmless curiosities, more 'exotic' difference
is often treated with suspicion. As a counter-reaction to new
developments, signs of negative attitudes towards diversification
have emerged among the majority population (Dahlgren 1996; HS
2001a, 2001b), making discrimination, racism, and cultural conflict
topics of public debate. Attitudes towards minorities and immigration
and refugee policies seem to vary regionally according to such
elements as political worldview, degree of urbanization, age,
level of education, and exposure and experience regarding different
cultures and lifestyles (Jaakkola 1999). Many continue to be
isolated from the cultural change in their quotidian life. Integration
and assimilation between the majority population and the old
and the new minorities therefore vary considerably in degree
from place to place. Much of the cross-cultural interaction
and the change of demographic and ethno-cultural landscapes
remain urban phenomena that mostly attract the educated and
the young.
Also complicating the minorities' integration into the mainstream
society and the implementation of the new policies are disagreements
within the minority groups themselves. These disagreements vary
from political worldviews to generational, gender-related, and
cultural differences in relation to the integration process.
In some cases, the internal fragmentation of the groups has
weakened their possibilities to influence the society (see Lanas
Cavada 1998), which may lead to new forms and patterns of marginalization.
This poses an additional challenge to the authorities who need
to recognize the heterogeneity within their 'minority subjects'
themselves. It is thus clear that Finnish society is currently
facing a rapid, significant, and perhaps somewhat unpredictable
change of demographics, culture, and value structures that is
only taking its first steps.
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